Repost: Federal judge in Brook Jackson’s case covered up DoD’s Dec. 2020 knowledge of Pfizer’s clinical trial fraud, to fabricate a false timeline, to better immunize DoD from prosecution.

Comment on Sage Hana’s latest, which is commentary on Karen Kingston’s latest, on the question: “What did DoD leaders know, and when did they know it?”

Orientation for new readers.

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Update/note to new readers, and long-time readers who are confused by these posts.

Sage Hana is posing the questions below to Kingston, Naomi Wolf and others who have not yet concluded what Hana, Sasha Latypova, Mike Yeadon, me, our aggregate readership and many others have long since understood: that the US military is running the global biochemical warfare, intentional democide program.

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I’m still following developments as much as possible, and this morning read Sage Hana’s response to Karen Kingston’s latest post on Pfizer criminal culpability, including Hana’s excellent basic follow-up questions:

• June 5, 2023 - Why is the United States Dept. of Defense not Suing Pfizer?

…If Pfizer defrauded the United States Military and went rogue and unleashed bioweapons on the world, is the DOD somehow not aware of this?

If Naomi [Wolf] and Karen [Kingston] know all of this, and Robert Barnes [lead attorney for Brook Jackson] knows all of this, does it stand to reason that the United States Dept. of Defense also knows all of this?

Why are they not apoplectic and outraged? Why are they not dropping the hammer on Pfizer, and instead leaving it up to plucky Brook Jackson, brave citizen?…

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SIDE NOTE:

If Congress wants to bring the DoD/HHS biowarfare/public health/mass murder program to an end, Congress needs to roll back the anti-law statutes and regulations adopted in the last 30 years or so, and wrestle concentrated, centralized power out of the Health and Human Services and Defense Secretaries’ hands.

A good start would be Congressional repeal of 21 USC 360bbb et seq, which set up and continues to authorize the HHS/DoD-controlled Emergency Use Authorization/fake drug regulation/true biochemical warfare program, and 42 USC 247d et seq, which set up and continues to authorize the HHS/DoD-controlled Public Health Emergencies/bioweapons deployment/mass fraud/mass torture/mass murder program.

Having read the latest HHS Secretary PHE/PREP declaration amendment package (May 11, 2023), I think they’re planning to make “coterminous” seasonal influenza infections a cornerstone of the next biowarfare phase in Fall 2023.

This summer would be a good time for Congress to man up, repeal those two laws, and thereby kick coterminous dictators Xavier Becerra (HHS) and Lloyd Austin (DoD) out of power.

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Sage Hana comment in the comment section:

Say you serve up Pfizer.

You still have this little problem with one Brook Jackson and a timeline. November, 2021. [British Medical Journal report about Jackson’s whistleblowing case, published Nov. 2, 2021.]

DOD didn't think.."hmmm.....we should probably check into this deal..." (as we mandate our own troops keep getting the needles in the arms.)

My reply to Sage Hana’s comment:

Timeline problem is worse than that for DoD.

Brook formally notified them in December 2020.

And Judge Truncale knew that when he dismissed her case, contorting himself to make up a new timeline in which DoD didn’t know.

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I wrote about Judge Truncale’s deceptive decision shortly after he issued his March 31, 2023 order dismissing Jackson’s case, and re-post the piece in full below.

• April 10, 2023 - Judge Truncale went out of his way to decline to "take judicial notice" of Brook Jackson's Dec. 14, 2020 letter to DoD.

I focused on Truncale’s “judicial notice” arguments during my first read of his order, largely because it related to one of the suggestions I made to Brook Jackson’s legal team in February 2023 as they were preparing for March 1, 2023 oral argument.

I suggested that her lawyers ask Judge Truncale to take judicial notice of relevant statutory and regulatory changes carried out in recent decades, because those changes to American law are the foundational crimes without which the derivative crimes exposed through Covid-19 (biomedical-biowarfare fraud, torture and murder) could not have happened.

Memo sent to Warner Mendenhall and Brook Jackson on Feb. 21, 2023:

An option to consider for getting some of this material in front of Judge Truncale in the next 10 days, would be to file a request under Federal Rule of Evidence 201 [Judicial Notice of Adjudicative Facts].

Perhaps incorporating an argument that in this case, legislative facts (statutory history and failure of prior courts to review and find the bad laws unconstitutional etc.) are also adjudicative facts, since the pseudo-laws in this case are such a key part of the crime and their existence and effect "can be accurately and readily determined from sources whose accuracy cannot reasonably be questioned."

Jackson’s legal team decided not to pursue this option.

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April 10, 2023 - Judge Truncale went out of his way to decline to "take judicial notice" of Brook Jackson's Dec. 14, 2020 letter to DoD.

Re: USDJ Michael Truncale’s March 31, 2023 order dismissing whistleblower Brook Jackson’s False Claims Act case against Pfizer, Ventavia and ICON.

For background:

• Feb. 3, 2023 - Recap of Jackson v. Pfizer, whistleblower Brook Jackson’s False Claims Act case.

• April 2, 2023 - Repost: Thought-stopping stage sets in legal pleadings.

I've been reading Truncale’s order, thinking about it, taking notes, tracking down citations, re-reading other case documents, and updating my files on six other federal cases that — with Jackson v. Pfizer — I think are the most useful cases for understanding the role of criminal judges embedded in American federal courts, and the pseudo-legal mechanisms through which they operate.

Like their historic counterparts in Hitler’s Germany, Mussolini’s Italy, Stalin’s Russia and many other mass murdering police-states, American federal judges have played a key role in maintaining and expanding the supranational covert biowarfare program run through the Trump/Azar-Biden/Becerra police-state apparatus since January 2020.

The six other cases include South Bay Pentecostal Church v. Newsom (USDC Southern California, 20-cv-00865-BAS-AHG); Butler v. Wolf (USDC Western Pennsylvania, 2:20-cv-677-WSS); Bridges v. Houston Methodist Hospital System (USDC Southern Texas, 4:21-CV-01774-LNH); Robert v. Austin (USDC Colorado, No. 21-cv-02228-RM-STV); Griner v. Biden (USDC Utah, 2:22-CV-149 DAK-DBP) and Ealy v. Redfield (USDC Oregon, 2:22-cv-00356-HZ)

There’s a lot to unpack.

While I work through the material, one interesting section in Truncale’s order goes to the “Who knew what, and when did they know it?” question.

He addresses that question at pp. 33-34:

Payment despite knowledge: Whose Knowledge Matters?

A threshold issue that this Court must address is whether the FDA’s knowledge or the DoD’s knowledge matters when deciding how much weight to give to the Government’s decision to continue purchasing Pfizer’s vaccine.

The FDA has known of Ms. Jackson’s allegations since September 2020, months prior to Pfizer submitting its first invoice to the DoD in December 2020. [Dkt. 17 at 69; Dkt. 37-2 at 2].

But the DoD, not the FDA, is the entity that originally purchased Pfizer’s vaccine. [Dkt. 17-1 at 303].

The well-pleaded facts require drawing the inference that the DoD did not have knowledge of the alleged fraud prior to February 22, 2022 , approximately two years after it paid Pfizer’s first invoice. [FN 20]

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NOTES:

Feb. 22, 2022 was the date Jackson filed her amended complaint.

She filed her original complaint on Jan. 8, 2021.

But after a year of silent inaction by DOJ and Judge Truncale, and Truncale’s gag order on Jackson, the Department of Justice notified Truncale on Jan. 18, 2022 that DOJ had no intention of pursuing Jackson’s case.

Jackson then had to choose between quitting and hiring a private attorney to re-file.

She hired a private attorney and re-filed.

Because Brook Jackson is an extraordinarily courageous, determined woman.

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Judge Truncale at March 31, 2023 order, Footnote 20, pp. 33-34:

FN20 - The Amended Complaint, which Ms. Jackson filed on February 22, 2022, pleads that Ms. Jackson had previously provided the DoD with the information that serves as the basis for her allegations. [Dkt. 17 at 15–16].

Defendants [Pfizer] ask the Court to take judicial notice of several documents, including a letter from Ms. Jackson’s former counsel dated December 14, 2020, notifying the DoD about her allegations… [Dkt. 37 at 20–21].

Defendants note that courts routinely take judicial notice of facts published on a party’s own website and contend that it is appropriate for this Court to do so here. Id. at 21 n.19.

These documents do not currently appear on Ms. Jackson’s website. While these documents could potentially be introduced through a motion for summary judgment or at trial, they are not properly before the Court at this time.

Accordingly, the Court declines to take judicial notice of these documents.

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In thinking through Truncale’s question — whose knowledge matters? — set aside (for now) that his premise of separate knowledge bases is false.

DoD and HHS, including FDA, are demonstrably two federal agencies jointly engaged in a covert, dual-use biomedical/biowarfare operation with several other administrative agencies. Their executive secretaries and other high-level administrators share knowledge about the program through coordinating committees including the Public Health Emergency Medical Countermeasures Enterprise.

Setting that aside, Relator Brook Jackson stated in her original complaint (Jan. 8, 2021) and amended complaint (Feb. 22, 2022) that she had “provided this information to the United States and DoD prior to filing a complaint by serving a voluntary pre-filing disclosure statement.”

Then in Pfizer’s April 22, 2022 Motion to Dismiss, Pfizer cited Jackson’s website as the source of Jackson’s Dec. 14, 2020 notice to DoD that they wanted Judge Truncale to judicially notice, and attached a copy of the letter as Exhibit E [Dkt 37-5 at 2-9].

Pfizer thereby entered the document into the public court record independent of Jackson’s website and her own two sworn statements about having made “pre-filing disclosure” to DoD.

Nonetheless, Truncale declined to take “judicial notice.”

Why?

To protect the DoD from legal attribution of knowledge of the clinical trial fraud in December 2020, a time when DoD withdrawal from and cancellation of the purchasing and distribution contracts could have saved the lives of the people targeted with the bioweapons.

On Dec. 14, 2020, through Gregory Shilling, the Assistant Special Agent in Charge of the South West Region, Defense Criminal Investigative Service, DoD was notified that Pfizer, Ventavia and ICON were endangering, sickening and killing human recipients of products which the contractors were using on human beings under the terms of DoD military weapons contracts.

Dec. 14, 2020 was three days after the Marion Gruber-led FDA panel’s sham EUA decision on Dec. 11, 2020.

It was the same day the first victims — outside the 44,000 people targeted through the fraudulent “clinical trials” — were attacked with the Pfizer-labeled DoD bioweapons.

Truncale has got DoD’s back.

Having carefully placed his blinders on by refusing to take judicial notice of the Dec. 14, 2020 letter Jackson sent to the DoD, Truncale concluded:

“…even if the DoD was concerned about potential regulatory or protocol violations, the Project Agreement [Truncale’s false conflation of Base Agreement 2020-532, which has been made public in redacted form, with Project Agreement 2011-003, which has not yet been made public] did not authorize the DoD to decide whether the vaccines were fit for purchase.

Instead, the [Base Agreement] vested this decision-making authority in the FDA.

Thus, what matters when evaluating the Government’s continued purchase of the vaccine is that the FDA granted authorization despite its knowledge of Ms. Jackson’s allegations…

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Bottom line: Judge Truncale has now added his own criminal federal judicial review to the sequence that includes:

• Criminal ‘vaccine’ development and production contracts, which are actually contracts for the development and production of injectable bioweapons.

• Criminal ‘vaccine’ clinical trial safety records, which are actually records of bioweapon potency results for mRNA and DNA classes of injectable bioweapons.

• Criminal ‘vaccine’ regulatory review, authorization, manufacturing compliance and safety monitoring records, which are actually theatrical props intended to block public knowledge that the products mislabeled as ‘vaccines,’ transported across state lines, and injected into military targets, are intentionally-lethal bioweapons.

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See also:

• Sept. 19, 2022 - In Nov. 2020, Pfizer told FDA reviewers, led by Marion Gruber, that safety studies were neither needed nor conducted. In making that argument, Pfizer cited WHO guidance written in 2002 by a team led by Marion Gruber.

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Trinity. Painting by Andrei Rublev.