More on Congressional voting records
A week or so ago, I asked interested readers for help creating a spreadsheet documenting the votes of members of Congress on key laws that have enabled government-run bioterrorist attacks on the American people by falsely classifying those attacks as components of public health emergency programs.
The plan is to compile last name, first name, state, Congressional district, and vote on each of the laws for which he or she was serving in Congress, to generate a Worst-of-the-Worst list of Congress members — those who have demonstrated the most loyalty to the global genocidal program’s American implementation.
The larger goal is to better target civil lawsuits built on another set of US laws — the laws that prohibit funding, supporting and committing acts of bioterrorism — by demonstrating to courageous, integrity-possessing federal judges that Covid-19 is, in fact, a government-run bioterrorism program; that it’s not, as the government has falsely claimed for more than two years, a government-run public health program; and that key members of Congress and many, many other federal officials have acted with knowledge and intent to authorize, fund and operate the mass-maiming, mass-killing program.
A few readers responded with offers to help, and one reader wrote some code to scrape the data from the Congress.gov website, producing a spreadsheet with 13,370 recorded votes.
The data covers most Congressional votes cast on most of the relevant laws passed between November 1997 (National Defense Authorization Act for FY1998 and Food and Drug Administration Modernization Act, which together set up the ‘Emergency Use Authorization’ legal conditions for psychological manipulation, social isolation, testing, masking and injection of the American people under national emergency-predicated suspension of informed consent principles) and December 2021 (NDAA for FY2022, which added more components to the coercion- and force-based, public health-predicated, police state framework under which we currently live.)
Our little team is looking at the data and thinking about how to pull out useful information for reporting, civil litigation, criminal prosecution and other nonviolent accountability campaigns.
However, I’ve been preoccupied by working with a group of attorneys, doctors and others on a related but not identical public education-litigation strategy.
And I’ve also been preoccupied by reorganizing the main American Domestic Bioterrorism Program post.
Both projects are going fine — more information about the litigation campaign coming in a couple of weeks and links to the ADBP post with its new layout and expanded content (still undergoing updates and link cleanups for another week or so) below1.
But they’re time-consuming.
On the post last week about Congressional voting records, several readers commented about the irrelevance of Congressional votes, in the sense that most members don't even know what they're voting on when they vote, sometimes because the bills are so long and delivered so soon before the votes, and sometimes because bills are revised heavily just before the votes.
I think that's probably true, but replied:
And yet, those of us seeking to re-establish rule of law are morally-bound to act toward Congress members as if they are legally responsible for the contents of the bills for which they have voted Yes.
In other words, the messed up nature of Congressional functioning doesn't eliminate their culpability in the crimes; it makes them slightly-less culpable accessories.
One useful result from federal criminal and civil complaints — whether circulated as drafts for public information or actually filed in federal courts — will be to draw out more Congress members to publicly acknowledge their functional impotence against the overwhelming power of the unelected globalist-driven US administrative state as it's infiltrated everything since the mid-1940s.
They could do that through clear public statements at a minimum, and through walkouts and resignations for more impact.