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Written artifacts of informational warfare.
Truth, lies, war crimes and objective, observable realities.
Feb. 18, 2023 - Responding to Criticism Regarding My Statements on Pfizer's DOD Contract. (Sasha Latypova writing at Substack)
Feb. 27, 2023 - You cannot contract for a crime, but you CAN write a contract for it! Ask me how. Dissecting DOD contracts for covid countermeasures. Part 1 - Pfizer's "Base Agreement" (Sasha Latypova)
March 7, 2023 - Part 2 of "Contracts for Crimes" - Pfizer's ATI-MCDC Technical Direction Letter. (Sasha Latypova)
Robert Barnes says you did not read the contracts. According to him, the contracts stipulate that the products (whatever you call them) were to stop getting and transmitting covid19. They did not do that and on that basis Pfizer committed fraud. So, did you read the contracts? That is key.
I agree 100% that all these so called vaccines are bad, not just Pfizer's and none of them actually work like the whooping cough vaccine that represses symptoms but does nothing about catching or transmitting the disease, like the polio vaccine that spreads the disease at the diaper changing table in daycare, or the pneumonia vaccine that has created a nightmare of variants that really pummel the elderly or go down the list of required vaccines...all of them...bad news,... even the measles vaccine that does not stop measles in a whole bunch of people and creates stealth virus.
So... still we need to know if you read the contract and did Pfizer commit fraud?
My reply (PDF)
Yes, I’ve read the two publicly available Pfizer-ATI-MCDC-DOD-FDA-HHS bioweapons manufacturing contracts that have been disclosed to the public through Jackson v. Ventavia, Pfizer and ICON.
I also drafted a FOIA request, submitted a few weeks ago by Judicial Watch, seeking, among other items, a third, related contract that has not yet been disclosed to the public, called the “Project Agreement.”
And yes, I believe all of the parties to the contracts — including but not limited to the Pfizer signatories — have been and continue to jointly, collaboratively, cooperatively, intentionally and maliciously commit fraud, mass murder, and war crimes.
They have been and continue to commit those crimes against non-parties to the contracts: all the other people of the world, including more-or-less ignorant, low-ranking members of national, state and local governments (lawmakers, prosecutors and judges) who are not privy to the inner workings of the small mass-murder coordinating committees in each country.
In addition to the contracts, I’ve also read a lot of other material over the last three years including statutes, regulations, hearing transcripts, regulatory guidance documents, regulatory review documents, executive orders, notices, declarations, determinations, training manuals, tabletop exercise reports, slide presentations, patents, civil complaints, criminal indictments, judicial orders, legal opinions, scientific and academic papers published in peer-reviewed journals, scientific and academic papers published through platforms other than peer-reviewed journals, “clinical trial” documents, government database reports, independent analysis of data published by government databases, government-controlled media reports and analysis, and independent and semi-independent media reports and analysis.
In addition to reading, I’ve also made observations and endured direct experiences in my own life as a human being embedded in personal and professional relationships as a wife, mother, daughter, sister, friend, writer, reader, paralegal, and parishioner.
I’ve learned a lot about the war by watching and listening to people who have been censored, ignored, propagandized and gaslit; people who have been fired from their jobs, discharged from the military and expelled from school; people who have been sickened by the bioweapons, and survivors of people who have been killed by the bioweapons.
From my viewing position, living my own human life, I’ve thought about the written artifacts in their relationships to each other and to those direct experiences.
I’ve compared and contrasted the contents of the written documents, section by section, looking for patterns and anomalies and contradictions.
Specific to contracts — and in collaboration with Brook Jackson, Sasha Latypova and a few other people I trust — I’ve compared and contrasted the terms and conditions as written on the pages, with the observable, objective realities about which terms and conditions have been fulfilled by the purportedly responsible parties, and enforced by the counter-parties who have purported standing to enforce the terms.
And which terms and conditions have been neither fulfilled nor enforced.
Valid clinical trials didn’t happen.
Valid drug safety regulation didn’t happen.
Valid drug manufacturing, labeling, testing, distribution and dispensing didn’t happen.
Evidence that these purportedly binding contractual obligations were not being fulfilled, was collected and provided to government authorities.
Government authorities gagged, ignored and gaslit the whistleblowers and suppressed their evidence from public view.
People injected with the products sickened and died.
Evidence that the products were sickening and killing people was collected and provided to government authorities.
Government authorities censored, ignored and gaslit the reporters.
In sum, the contract provisions purportedly requiring those things, were not enforced by the contract parties with standing to enforce.
They were not enforced by Pfizer or any of its corporate partners or subcontractors.
They were not enforced by FDA or any other branch of HHS.
They were not enforced by ATI, MCDC or any other branch of DOD.
And they were not enforced by the Department of Justice or the Attorney General.
So the killing machine hums along, undisturbed, day after day, dead after dead, since the first fake “clinical trials” began in Spring 2020.
I’ve therefore concluded that all of the written artifacts produced and published by governments and government contractors operating the medical martial law system (the kill box) are dual-use documents.
They contain some truths and some lies.
The true provisions are written with the intent to convey real contractual obligations among the parties: terms and conditions that will be fulfilled by the responsible party, and if he or she fails, will be enforced by the counter parties, through their exercise of contractual rights to extract financial or other penalties.
The false provisions are written with the intent to convey the illusion of contractual obligations to non-parties.
They list terms and conditions that will never be fulfilled or enforced by the contract parties. Those terms and conditions are listed for the sole purpose of misleading the public in our role as billions of marks in a global long con.
The false provisions are intended to, and have the observable effect of, manipulating, defrauding, inducing fear, abusing the trust and otherwise covertly controlling the perceptions of non-parties to the contracts.
As I’ve written before, I think 21 USC 360bbb-3(k) is a “get out of all otherwise applicable FDA regulations free” card, for all products classified as Emergency Use Authorized (EUA) medical countermeasures (MCMs) for use during a declared public health emergency (PHE).
All three of which classifications can be established and maintained under several redundant and interlocking legal frameworks, such that the “use” — bioweapons attacks by fast- or slow-acting lethal injections — can continue even while individual declarations, determinations and states of emergency come and go.
Perhaps Section 19.02 (“Limitations”) of the Base Agreement is pertinent.
Perhaps the parenthetical modifier phrase, “to the extent required for COVID-19 medical countermeasures” in Section 1.3(a) of the Technical Direction Letter is another way in which regulatory oversight has been waived.
Maybe there are other written but as-yet-undisclosed contract-modification documents, specifying which provisions of the public-facing documents should be legally construed as binding on the contract parties, and which should be construed as inapplicable and unenforceable: incorporated solely to defraud non-parties to the contracts.
Maybe there are also unwritten, handshake agreements, through which the contracting parties have agreed with each other, gentleman-like, as to which elements of the documents that eventually become public are true and enforceable, and which are false, and for theatrical, performative purposes only.
I don’t know how many different forms the waivers of performance obligations and waivers of enforcement authorities take.
I only know those waivers exist, and I know it because the parties who appeared to be obligated to perform specific actions, did not perform them, and the failures to perform did not result in enforcement action by the purported contractual counter-parties.
The written artifacts of the informational war, as produced by governments and government contractors, are dual-purpose weapons.
In their false aspect, they tell the lie that the world’s people are engaged in a public health struggle against communicable disease, to protect and save lives.
In their true aspect, they tell the truth: that the world’s governments are engaged in a military war against humanity, to ruin and prematurely end lives.
Another example was illuminated for me during a recent Q&A exchange about the so-called “vaccine informed consent” forms signed by military targets, or check-boxed in computer databases by doctors and nurses.
The false intent and effect of those signatures and checkboxes is to support the illusion that the people involved are giving and receiving therapeutic medical treatments, with complete, accurate information as to ingredients, risks and benefits, and complete, personal, limitless rights to refuse, for any reason whatsoever: medical, religious, conscience, or simply because they don’t want it.
The true intent and effect of those signatures and checkboxes is to make a written record of formal terms of surrender, by each (unknowing) enemy combatant, to a covert occupying military force, operating through the proxies of medical professionals and the undisclosed contents of lethal injections.
Written artifacts of informational warfare function in the same way human shields function in a traditional war zone. Combatants hide behind civilians. Which is also a war crime.
But these are word shields, in which false statements hide among true statements.
It is possible to discern the truth or falsity of each provision, and the intent with which it was written, by the effects it has in objective reality. By the fruits.
This analysis applies to the available contracts.
The provisions on which Robert Barnes rests his theory of the case — the provisions about clinical trials, data submission, safety and efficacy, manufacturing controls — are lies.
The contract parties know those are lies, and they have known it from the earliest days — many years ago — when they met behind closed doors to draft the contract templates that would later be revised to add the “SARS-CoV-2” and “vaccine” language, and then signed and deployed onto the informational battlefield.
Three years into this nightmare, many ordinary people now also know those provisions are lies, because they can see that those terms and conditions have been neither fulfilled nor enforced.
More people understand the dual-use informational weapons system every day, and every day, we understand it a little more deeply.
Informational weapons only work for so long as people can’t discern the difference between truth and lies, because their vision is blocked and their thinking capacities are disrupted.
What happens when a critical mass can see through the fog in real time, and revoke their fraudulently-induced pseudo-consent to participate in war crimes as low-level perpetrators and as targeted victims?
Remains to be seen.
Pray the Rosary.