Legal history of the American domestic bioterrorism program is useful for understanding why the crimes continue and criminal prosecutions have not happened yet.
And for helping people new to the global genocide story understand.
As more people abandon the false explanatory stories force-fed to them by the globalist elites; as more people see more induced injuries and deaths in their personal circles of concern, and begin to consider other explanatory stories, one of the biggest questions they seem to have is:
If the whole thing is part of a premeditated, multiphase depopulation, surveillance and control plan and a biological attack on humanity using chemicals, biologically-active compounds, radiation and nuclear materials in undisclosed mixtures through multiple dispersal mechanisms, wouldn’t criminal prosecutors be all over it, compiling the evidence and going after the criminals?
That’s what I’ve been trying to unravel for the last couple of years: why, but especially how and when the liars, murderers and thieves set up the legal systems generally perceived as somewhat legitimate, to pre-cover-up and publicly fund their crimes, and to render themselves (for now) legally protected from prosecution.
The clearest, shortest version of that how-and-when story, which can help people new to the horrific predicament get oriented more quickly, is this one:
Dec. 19, 2022 - American Domestic Bioterrorism Program - Legal History Executive Summary - 14 pages, footnoted.
Please share it with people who are becoming curious and concerned.
I do think that criminal prosecutions will be brought to bear, in time, and am working in the loose coalition of thousands of people around the world to help bring about the political, social, legislative and judicial conditions to support those prosecutions.
The American legal history from 1969 to the present is just one useful part of understanding why prosecutions haven’t started already.
For understanding the international frameworks operated through the World Health Organization and the 2005 edition of the WHO International Health Regulations, these posts may be helpful:
Feb. 26, 2022 - Legal Walls of the Covid-19 Kill Box
There’s been some discussion in recent comment threads about whether it’s useful or not for me to include Catholic faith elements in my writing about Covid-times law.
I haven’t made theology a major theme of my work, and I don’t plan to increase the volume. But I am a Roman Catholic, baptized as an infant in January 1974 and given the sacrament of First Holy Communion by Archbishop Marcel Lefebvre, founder of the Society of St. Pius X, in Spring 1981. I wandered around outside the Faith between the ages of 16 and 48, and returned to it by the grace of God in Summer 2021 through a process described in an Oct. 13, 2021 post.
If I had not returned to the Faith, I would not have been able to do the research and writing I’ve done the last couple of years, and I would not be able to keep doing it now.
Readers who are uncomfortable with the limited references I make to the ancient war between God and Lucifer in my writing about the visible, human-world aspects of the war in American law and geopolitics, which is playing out against that supernatural backdrop, are encouraged to devote their reading and comment-drafting time elsewhere.
I am a Roman Catholic attached to the Traditional Latin Mass. I believe that the Catholic Faith is the one true faith established by Jesus Christ upon the rock of Peter, and that my obligations as a Catholic include helping others work out their eternal salvation by helping them make their way into the boat before they die, or if they can’t get all the way into the boat before death, at least make their way to cling to the ropes hanging off the sides.
Because I’m a traditional Roman Catholic, I also believe that the so-called reforms of Vatican II were intended, not to grow and strengthen the Mystical Body, but to diminish and weaken it. I believe, with other traditionalists and many others throughout history, that all of the human men charged with protection of the Faith and the faithful are themselves corruptible (as all humans are prone to sin) and many have been deeply corrupted in recent decades.
They haven’t all been corrupt throughout history. Some have been saints.
Not all of the living shepherds are corrupt now. Some are saints-in-the-making.
I don’t know if there is no pope currently, because the seat has been vacant since Vatican II (the sedevacantist position), or if Benedict XVI is the “real” pope because he never fully abdicated his office in 2013. I think Francis is poison to the Faith and the faithful. He is a trial and a chastisement, as are many other past and current events in human history.
I believe Christ’s promise that “the gates of hell shall not prevail” against the church that He founded, but I don’t know how or when the terrible current situation in the institutional church will be brought out of disorder.
I also don’t know how or when the terrible current situation in the American former Constitutional republic will be brought out of disorder.
I think the Christian teaching that man is made in the image and likeness of God is an essential condition for any human rights protections within any earthly government. Without recourse to that principle and the divine power at its’ Source, I don’t think the transhumanist heresy of Agenda 2030 can be defeated.
I work and pray to grow my trust and hope in God’s plan for my church, my country and the world, and for discernment and perseverance in doing my small portion of the work as a willing participant.
My overarching goal is to research and write (about American legal history and American financial corruption), in support of establishing sound, sovereign, pluralistic Constitutional republican government on American soil, revitalized with the addition of traditional Catholic precepts, modeled somewhat on the Polish Catholic Constitutional monarchy developed between about 990 AD and 1655 AD.
SIDEBAR — Repost from Jan. 6, 2022
Until reading Malachi Martin’s account in The Keys of This Blood, (Chapters 26-28, pp. 489-536) I didn’t know or appreciate the profound significance, of the historical record that the Polish nation was consecrated to Christ, the Pope and the Roman Catholic Church through the Piast Pact of 990 AD, signed by King Mieszko I.
From that teleopolitical foundation, they went on to establish a Catholic Constitutional monarchy with the Act of Union, signed in 1413 by Grand Duke Wladyslaw Jagiello to formally unite the people and territories of Poland and Lithuania.
In 1573, Martin reports, the Sejm of the Unitary Republic adopted a second, Interrex pact, to deal with the vulnerability created during transitions between elected monarchs. The legislature conferred power on the Primate Bishop of Poland “to protect the sovereignty and the religion of the Poles” between elected kings.
Beginning in 1648, a series of invasions and attacks by Turkish and Swedish armies, including a 40-day siege of the Paulite Monastery on Jasna Gora (“Bright Mountain”), ended with a retreat of the Swedish army. The monastery had housed a famous icon of the Blessed Virgin Mary and the infant Jesus — the Black Madonna — since 1382.
In 1655, in thanksgiving for Poland’s deliverance, and to solicit her continued protection, King Jan Kazimierz “proclaimed Mary to be Queen of the Kingdom of Poland.”
“It is known to all,” the Jagiellonian agreement [of 990 AD] declared, “that a man will not attain salvation if he is not sustained by divine love, which does no wrong, radiates goodness, reconciles those in discord, unites those who quarrel, dissipates hatred, puts an end to anger, furnishes for all the food of peace…”
“Through that love, laws are established, kingdoms are maintained, cities are set in order, and the well-being of the State is brought to the highest level…May this love make us equal, whom religion and identity of laws and privileges have already joined.”
Suddenly, a new geopolitical principle was defined. Two independent states agreed upon union through love rather than conquest. And, with that new principle, came three cast-iron consequences: No use of armed forces to conquer others, recourse to armed force only in self-defense, and enlargement of the state only through voluntary union between peoples.
…The blessings on Jagiellonian Poland were as extraordinary and improbable as the Act of Union itself. It would take the other important powers of Europe three hundred years before they were capable of establishing the social organization, the legal bases and the political institutions sufficient to guarantee — at least in principle — the fundamental rights of human dignity and freedom that came to be constitutionally and civilly granted in the full flowering of the Republic of Poland.
The structural principle of the new republic — for so it was — was a political system of local legislatures (sejmik) and a national legislature (the Sejm) based on a pluralistic society and aimed at a perfect equilibrium between power and freedom. In 1494, the Sejm became bicameral, with a chamber of deputies and a senate. From that time on, organs of democracy clearly recognizable to us as our models fairly sprouted from the constitutional monarchy of Poland.
General elections were instituted — the first in the world as we know it in history. Watchdog senatorial committees were set up to attend to such worries as the rights and limitations of the Polish constitutional monarchy — only the Sejm, for example, could commit the country to war and ratify treaties — and to guard against corruption in government. A state treasury and a tax court of the treasury were established. Lower courts with elected judges led upward to a Supreme Court of Appeals, and dealt with intricate legislative, civil and religious systems based on the principle of habeus corpus, which had already been adopted by the Act of Krakow in 1433.
The list of Poland’s sociopolitical accomplishments during the course of the fifteenth century went far beyond the merely improbable. The development and concrete application of such principles as government with the consent of the governed, freedom of religion, the definition and protection of personal rights and freedoms, general elections, and constitutional checks and balances to curb any autocratic tendencies on the part of the state, all remain enviable today…
There were no religious wars and no anti-Semitic pogroms in the Unitary Republic [formed when Ruthenia joined the alliance in 1569]. Rather, there was a consciously adopted principle of religious freedom. Filled with a vast majority of Roman Catholics, the Republic practiced a form of religious pluralism and tolerance still lacking in Europe and the Americas. Nor was this principle of religious freedom based on some vague theory of the rights of man. It was rooted in the specific and basic law proposed at the Council of Constance (1414-18) by a Polish delegate, Pawel Wlodkowicz: “License to convert [by preaching and example] is not a license to kill or expropriate.”
Thus, as the religion-based hate generated by the Protestant Reformation reached its height in the 1600s, the First Polish Republic was an extraordinary spectacle — a multi-ethnic and multiconfessional commonwealth based on a cosmopolitan idea of human membership in the family of nations and peoples. Poland had developed a working model of participative democracy.
So determined were the Poles to live by such principles that in 1645 at Torun, King Wladyslaw IV held the Colloquium Caritativum — the Loving Dialogue — which was exactly what it was billed to be. At a most improbable time, when religious hatred fueled wars and drove political policies in Europe, Polish Roman Catholics, Orthodox Eastern Christians and at least two Protestant sects — Lutherans and Calvinists — agreed to live and let live, to disagree unbloodily, and to foment their mutual love.
This was the classical expression of the Polish ideal, of Polishness lived on the practical — the horizontal — plane of worldly existence. This republican form of national government, aligned with the fixed orientation of Catholic Poles to Christ’s salvation through Rome, summarized for a warring world what Poles conceived themselves to be as a nation.
Thus did the people of Poland form three pacts: the Piast Pact with the Holy See in 990, the Pact with the Roman Catholic Primate of Poland as the Interrex of 1573, and the Pact with Mary as the Queen of Poland of 1655.
As Martin explains in detail, these pacts enabled and sustained extraordinary achievements by the people and leaders of Poland.
But those achievements were followed by a concerted effort to erase them from world memory. Cancel culture was applied by Poland’s teleopolitical enemies, to bury an entire people and their history.
Perhaps Poland’s example of a pluralistic, constitutional republic consecrated to God provides a good answer to the question: “If not the global transhumanist totalitarianism now being wrought by the world’s billionaires, through the mass formation phenomenon of the Covid narrative, then what?”