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Informed, connected & brave v. ignorant, isolated & scared.
Thinking about the Constitution-in-exile predicament.
For those new to Bailiwick, here’s a new reader orientation post.
Also I’m going to try to take a break for a few days over Thanksgiving.
Happy Thanksgiving to all readers! I’m extremely grateful for you.
A reader sent me an Epoch Times report this morning: The USA Inc.: Reporter [Ann Vandersteel] Exposes How America Was Hijacked, Turned Into a Corporation During Civil War
“It was the 14th Amendment that made us citizens of a federal government that became a corporation,” Vandersteel said. “That’s where they stole it. That’s really the big hijack—and of course, the Civil War had problems.”
Ratified in 1868, the 14th Amendment declares in plain English that states shall not abridge the privileges of U.S. federal government citizens. This overtly abridges state government sovereignty, and slyly employs the word “privilege” to substitute “right” (as in natural right), implying that government may retract those privileges from citizens who misbehave, irrespective of their constitutional rights…
After the Civil War bankrupted the United States confederate trade union, a corporation was formed to replace it.
“They incorporated the 10 square miles around Washington D.C.,” Vandersteel said. “After that corporation … you became a municipal servant to the corporation of D.C…”
This was followed by the rollout of a vast commercial law overlay extending well beyond the District of Columbia to govern the entire nation, replacing and nullifying what the Founding Fathers established…
People have sent me a lot of good material about Civil War-era, Organic Constitution, martial law and related issues.
In October, I wrote a post about how I fit these issues into my cognitive map of where we are now, what historic events brought us to this point, and how the past legal acts of our government (legitimate and illegitimate acts) relate to how we think now about how to get out of our current legal predicaments.
Oct. 20, 2022 - Thoughts on American Organic Law
Earlier, I had written several post about military codes, UN Rules of Engagement, DOD-contracts, the World Health Organization Constitution and other legal frameworks, as part of untangling what legal system has been in force on American soil since the silent exile of the US Constitution effective Jan. 27, 2020.
April 22, 2022 - Administrative Procedures Act v. Public Health Service Act
May 13, 2022 - Shifting the Frame
Aug. 4, 2022 - Law of War, War of Law
The same issues relate to Francis A. Boyle’s comments during recent interviews, that the proposed WHO pandemic treaty and simultaneous revisions to the WHO International Health Regulations could, when passed, suspend US sovereignty.
James Roguski does excellent reporting, analysis and resistance mobilization on World Health Organization maneuvers at his Substack.
I think that the suspension of the US Constitution and American sovereignty has already occurred, through the combined real-world effects of the WHO IHR as a binding international legal agreement and the implementing American statutes and regulations as exercised, enforced and interpreted since January 2020.
It just hasn’t been publicly declared by the occupiers in Washington DC or their globalist masters, as an overthrow of our country, our people and our Constitutional rule of law.
It’s been called a “public health emergency” instead.
So in my view, the present task is not a struggle prevent the forthcoming overthrow of our country and our Constitution from an external threat.
The task is to mobilize and support good legislators and judges in their work to bring our Constitution back from exile, and expel the treasonous, internal-enemy infiltrators who have embedded themselves in the cabinet departments of Health and Human Services, Defense, State, Homeland Security, Treasury, Justice, Agriculture, and many others, and their state-level counterparts.
Those cabinet officials have been using their government positions for decades, first to bring about the legal conditions for the silent, legal overthrow to occur upon the trigger of a declaration of a national public health emergency, then to pull the trigger on Jan. 27, 2020.
I’ve gotten more material from readers in the last few weeks on martial law history and Civil War precedents for US federal executives (Presidents) forcing state representatives — using the federal military — to ratify federal executive acts.
I’m particularly interested in these Civil War era episodes because they provide information about how the federal government today is likely to try to respond to secessionist acts by state governments, as state populations become more outraged at federal executive branch power abuses.
A few weeks ago, a reader commented:
Can you be more specific about what you hope secession will ultimately do? Especially a land-locked state?
I hope secession will create a path to reunification under a legitimate Constitution and legitimate federal laws, or a path toward creation of smaller, region-based confederations operating under legitimate Constitutions and legitimate laws.
I don't pretend it's an easy path.
It requires state populations to take very seriously the imperative to prepare to protect ourselves from the federal military's attacks across our borders and to develop self-supporting economic, legal, educational, financial and other systems within our borders.
So long as states stay tethered to the federal government's bribery schemes (federal funding for programs perceived as essential), they will not stand up to federal government tyranny.
I was reading Peter Robinson's 2021 book Not Dark Yet recently. He's one of my favorite fiction writers, and writes in one of my favorite genres (police procedurals).
And I'm sad that he showed up on Mark Crispin Miller's obituary list a few weeks ago.
There was an on-point passage, about why evil-doers frighten people into complicity and also pay them money.
In Robinson’s novel, a victim of sex-trafficking (Zelda) has located the orphanage director who told the traffickers when she and other teenage girls would each be leaving the orphanage to strike out on their own, so the traffickers could kidnap them from the street in front of the orphanage and take them to the "breaking houses."
The director tells her that he did it because the traffickers threatened his own wife and two daughters, and then says that later, the traffickers made him accept payouts.
Zelda asks: "Why would they do that if they could force you to do what they wanted for nothing?"
"To make me complicit," Lupescu said..."Don't you understand? There was always a chance I might go to the police and tell them everything in exchange for protection for me and my family...If they paid me, I couldn't tell the authorities without implicating myself...
It was their insurance, their way of making certain I did what they wanted, that I was no different from them..."
That's what federal funding to states is for: to make state governments complicit in federal government crimes. It's effective.
And I see secession as a useful tool for breaking that link of complicity and creating other paths forward for the people living in the seceding states.
Incorporating the Civil War history pushes the date of the overthrow back in time, and allows for better understanding of the incremental intensification of how the overthrow has been presented, enforced and experienced at the individual and community levels.
My current understanding: we’ve all been under undeclared federal military occupation since the Civil War, related to the secession attempt by the states and the thwarting of it by the federal government.
From the Civil War until the 2001 Authorization for Use of Military Force and Proclamation 7463, the globalist banksters had enough control of the power and wealth levers, that they could allow some of the Constitutional separation of powers provisions to operate more or less intact: some Congressional oversight of bankers and executive branch officials, some judicial review of laws and executive acts, limited states’ rights, some individual liberties.
By 2001, they wanted more control, and put mechanisms in place to get it — PATRIOT Act and the Department of Homeland Security, for example — but still maintain some of the illusion of Constitutional separation of powers.
By 2020, they wanted to take even more direct control over people and resources, and had put more mechanisms in place, such as the Emergency Use Authorization bioterrorism-disguised-as-public-health system triggered Jan. 27, 2020.
I haven’t had time yet to dig into the Civil War, military occupation material very deeply. I hope to get to it soon, but there’s so much going on, it’s hard to predict when or if I’ll be able to get to it. Even if I can read the material, it will take a lot of time to absorb it enough to be able to write anything useful and coherent.
I’m grateful to have a little bit of a head start, though. My background from 2005 until late 2019, was in the rights-based organizing framework pioneered by the Program on Corporations, Law and Democracy (POCLAD) and the Community Environmental Legal Defense Fund (CELDF).
POCLAD and CELDF developed extremely solid analyses of corporate preemption of self-governing authority, through the dual-track state legislative chartering systems in which business corporations hold and exercise far more legal privileges and powers than municipal corporations (towns and cities) and the people who live in those places. Corporate and government rights preempt individual and municipal rights.
POCLAD and CELDF traced the legalized corporate takeover in the United States back to Dartmouth College v. Woodward, 17 US 481 (1819), and further to the Dutch East India Company and the original corporate charters that formed the geographic boundaries of what we now call states.
CELDF pioneered local organizing models for people to adopt municipal anti-preemption ordinances, to create legal conflicts with the corporate-state chimera, and increase public knowledge through the court cases. CELDF has since gone off the deep end into wokism, but the basic historical legal analysis is sound.
These Constitutional, preemption doctrine, common law, corporate law, military law issues matter, and the Epoch Times report about Ann Vandersteel’s work is a good entry point.
I also think the individual paperwork activities are useful insofar as they raise awareness about the underlying legal overthrow and serve as a grassroots leadership process that could filter up to people in government positions.
But I also have concerns about the legitimacy of the new registry offices and new forms of paperwork that people are filing; they have just as little claim to legitimacy as the corrupted ones that are recognized by courts. There’s enormous potential for scamming people out of money to do what they think is a legal process, only to find that their new status is just as subordinate as their old status, because in practice, it still relies on a law enforcement and judicial system that doesn’t recognize it at all. There are people who stopped paying their taxes after doing this “process” that have simply been arrested and thrown in prison for tax evasion, mail fraud and related crimes.
The usefulness of the complex Civil War legal history is probably the same as the usefulness of the complex DOD/HHS/Congress chemical and biological weapons history.
They help us understand what’s wrong currently, and get better ways to understand and explain to the handful of good people in or near political power centers, the nuts and bolts of what needs to change.
So again, I think the task before us is to mobilize and support good legislators and judges in their work to bring our Constitution back from exile, and expel the treasonous infiltrators who have embedded themselves in the cabinet departments of Health and Human Defense, State, Homeland Security, Treasury, Justice, Agriculture, and many others.
Yes, I do think there are a few of those good men and women out there in the capitols and courthouses. I think they’re ignorant about a lot of the history. I think they’re isolated from people who understand these issues and care about them. And I think they’re scared, because they don’t know what’s going on and they don’t know there’s a growing community of people who do know what’s going on and can — to some degree — support and protect them as they learn more.
I think we can help them transform themselves from ignorant, isolated and scared people, to knowledgeable, connected and brave people.